One year on, families seek justice after election violence

Warning: This article contains descriptions of violence.

For one family member in Mwanza, Tanzania's second-largest city, justice could begin with a simple act: an apology.

Raha, whose name has been changed for safety reasons, said her nephew, who she raised, was killed during protests that erupted following Tanzania's October 2025 general election.

"The government should have asked for forgiveness for what happened. Even just offering condolences," Raha said.

A year later, the family is still waiting for answers about the death of their loved one.

The violence followed an election campaign marked by the exclusion of the main opposition candidate.

Tundu Lissu, leader of the opposition Tanzanian Party for Democracy and Progress, commonly known as Chadema, had been arrested and charged with treason in April 2025 and his party barred from contesting the election.

On election day and in the days that followed, protesters called for political reforms and the resignation of Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

A government-appointed commission, chaired by retired Chief Justice Mohamed Chande Othman and commonly referred to as the Chande Commission, found that at least 518 people died from "unnatural causes," many from gunshot wounds, and over 2,000 people were injured. Othman said the death toll could be higher because some families buried their loved ones without taking their bodies to morgues or reporting to the commission.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) also said the actual number of people killed could be higher.

"It's very clear that it's far more than the 518 people that were presented by the commission," said Oryem Nyeko, HRW's senior Africa researcher.

DW analyzed dozens of videos, interviewed sources, reviewed police guidelines and advocacy research, and obtained a leaked police report.

We could not determine the exact location or publication date of every video, as some of the footage was released later due to internet blackouts or anonymously, for fear of reprisals. However, elements in the footage, our sources, public reports, and an internal police report give strong indications that these videos do reveal pieces of what happened in the days following the election.

The evidence DW has reviewed indicates that police likely acted beyond the scope of their guidelines and training. The material reviewed by DW included cases in which people were killed who were not protesting, where protesters were killed by head wounds, and where protesters were beaten or degraded by people in uniform.

The police's specialized Field Force Unit, identifiable in some footage by its red berets and riot-control equipment, helmets, shields and heavy weapons, appeared repeatedly in the material reviewed by DW.

Separately, the Centre for Information Resilience, an open-source investigation organization, documented incidents in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania's biggest city and commercial capital. In one, the uniformed people are beating civilians with sticks. In another, they are located close to where protesters were shot and killed. DW also identified incidents in which people who were not protesting appear to have been killed. In Mwanza, videos showed the bodies of young men reportedly killed by people in police uniforms while watching television in a video hall. The case was also cited by Human Rights Watch and flagged by the Chande Commission for further investigation.

Tanzania's police guidelines restrict the use of firearms to circumstances where they are absolutely necessary. Yet investigations by DW and human rights organizations documented incidents involving protesters with apparent gunshot wounds to the head and upper body and non-protesters shot while trying to flee or while outside during a government-imposed curfew.

Security analyst Nicodemus Minde said the commission left crucial questions unanswered.

"The Commission did not really tell us who was responsible and why," he said.

The presence of a police unit at an incident does not establish who ordered an operation or whether senior officials authorized unlawful force.

The Tanzanian President has described the unrest as an attempt to overthrow the government.

DW confronted the Tanzanian government on the allegations of excessive force by police. The Tanzanian Ministry of Home Affairs declined to comment, saying it would interfere with the legal process.

DW also asked the Tanzanian police for comment. No response had been received by the time of publication.

The Chande Commission recommended further investigation but did not identify security bodies, individual officers or commanders who may have been responsible.

A second inquiry, chaired by retired Justice Shaban Ally Lila, began gathering evidence in August 2026 to further investigate. Its findings are still pending.

For the family members of those killed, the inquiries have yet to restore trust.

Zuri, whose name has been changed for safety reasons, said her brother and her son were killed in the post-election violence. She asked why the government had not visited affected families.

"We lost our children; we lost our brothers. Why hasn't the government taken any initiative to at least visit us?" Zuri asked.

"They behave as if nothing happened. Is this justice? There is no justice in Tanzania."