Amid a large chorus calling the elections a sham, December 28, 2025 was a historic day for Myanmar as it successfully conducted the first phase of its national elections. This was uneventful, except for a few instances of EVM failures. The average turnout for the vote was over 60% and took place in the presence of international observers and the foreign diplomatic community. These elections, even before they were held, had been rejected by the West and its media reports denouncing them as rigged and undemocratic. Contrary to negative media reports, the elections, which the author witnessed, appeared well planned and were intended to be the first step toward restoring stability in a country facing civil war for three years. This could be revolutionary if the last phase is also successful. The elections were designed to be inclusive with maximum representation from across the ethnic spectrum.
Myanmar Elections are encouraging, in contrast to the current regional and global security environment, which has exacerbated geopolitical realignments. In South Asia, regional insecurity is at an all-time low, with Bangladesh mired in violence due to increased radicalization and regressive policies – an unfortunate reversal after externally initiated regime change. The elections scheduled for February 2026 could herald a certain pragmatism. Nepal is experiencing political uncertainty which could end with elections scheduled for March 2026. Indo-Pakistani relations are at an all-time low after Operation Sindoor.
In this tumultuous turmoil, Phase 1 of Myanmar elections seems to be a breath of fresh air. The Chairman of the Electoral Commission, while briefing on the changes in the ongoing elections, emphasized that the aim is to conduct credible multi-party democratic elections. The current elections continue to be held under the mandate of the 2008 Constitution, as do the 2010, 2015 and 2020 national elections and their by-elections. However, there is a change in the election of representatives for the three levels of Parliament. Previously, the elected system was based on the first past the post (FPTP) system, but in this election the FPTP system continues to be used for the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives).
A system of “Mixed Member Proportional Representation (MMP)” was introduced for the Upper House/Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities) and the State and Regional Hluttaws. The MMP system combines two different electoral methods: FPTP and proportional representation (PR). In the FPTP system, the majority of seats tend to go to the party with the most votes. By incorporating proportional representation, smaller parties will also receive seats proportional to their vote share, allowing them to be represented in Parliament. In this way, the strengths of the decisiveness of FPTP and the inclusiveness of proportional representation are balanced.
For Amyotha Hluttaw, the FPTP system will still be used in the designated constituencies of the six “self-administered areas” and in ethnic minority constituencies. Ethnic minority constituencies are those that represent ethnic groups that reside in the state or region, but are not native to that region and constitute at least 0.1% of the national population. Each of these groups is assigned a seat in Amyotha Hluttaw.
Another change is in voting methodology, moving from paper ballots to Myanmar Standardized Electronic Voting Machines (MEVM). EVMs are similar to those in India and are designed to prevent tampering.
Finally, the elections are taking place in three phases: phase 1 (already organized) covered 102 municipalities, phase 2 held on January 11, 2026, covered 100 municipalities, and phase 3 scheduled for January 25, 2026 for 56 to 63 municipalities. Out of a total of 833 constituencies, elections are scheduled in 692.
In the current elections, there were 24.26 million eligible voters, 57 political parties with 4,863 candidates.
The Myanmar Election Commission had prepared a digital “Central Voter List Management System (CVLMS)” and the administration software and DEO, for managing voter rolls at the township level. Wide publicity of the electoral list and its display in each polling station was noted during phase 1.
The Commission had accredited 24 national observers and 162 international observers with representatives from Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Vietnam, Cambodia and special guests from India and Japan. The hyper delegation from Russia included members of the Russian Duma.
The author, as an independent individual invited by the Union Election Commission (UEC) of Myanmar, witnessed Phase 1 in six of the eight constituencies in the Nay Pyi Taw capital region – from the opening of polling stations, voting to interacting with election observers and party representatives at different polling stations. At the final polling station, voting machines and ballots were counted digitally in front of observers. It was fast, secure and tamper-proof.
During our interactions with different sections of Burmese society, it was evident that the public felt genuine relief that peace could return to Myanmar. Voters were observed waiting patiently in long lines on Election Day.
Many deliberations took place at the Myanmar National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), under the leadership of General Min Aung Hlaing and the Election Commission, to plan these elections. Prominent citizens and political figures realize that elections are the first step in the long journey towards stability. It is necessary to share power with the States. There appears to have been some clandestine engagement with significant ethnic groups. For India, a stable Myanmar bodes well for its security.
Since then, Phase 2 of the elections was successfully conducted on January 11, 2026, in 100 more constituencies. Compared to phase 1, the percentage of voters would have been higher, but with an increase in incidents of violence. I conclude by stating that India must wait and observe, talk to all parties and maintain relations with the ruling government in Myanmar.
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are those of the author. The facts and opinions expressed here do not reflect the opinions of www.enomictimes.com.)
