Taiwan's generation gap in the face of Chinese threats
In areas near military exercises, young Taiwanese worried about the future, while older residents looked to a more difficult past to regain hope.
KINMEN COUNTY, Taiwan — The cafe at San Jiao Fort on Kinmen Island might just be the best place in Taiwan to watch the threat of invasion by China. Boasting a direct view of the Chinese city of Xiamen just 10 kilometers away, it is built on top of a former military bunker, festooned with camouflage netting, and serves hot and cold drinks.
With Chinese warships now lingering off the coast of Taiwan and missiles falling in its seas, the shared loyalties of the two cafe owners speaks volumes about a generational shift. in Taiwan which transformed the relationship of island democracy with China.
If China tried to take Taiwan by force, Chiang Chung-chieh, 32, would beat, even if the chances of winning are slim. Ting I-hsiu, 52, said he would "surrender".
With a culture forged by the eras of indigenous peoples, hundreds of years of Chinese immigration, Japanese colonial occupation and a harsh period of martial law, Taiwan is not monolithic. In its three decades as a democracy, conflicting allegiances have dominated its politics, with debates over whether to accept or oppose China's claims to the island based on age, of identity and geography.
In recent years, under China's growing warmongering, the middle ground has shifted. Today, Taiwanese increasingly identify as distinct from China. For them, China poses an existential threat to a pluralistic and democratic way of life. They do not view Taiwan as part of a long-divided family, as Mr. Ting and many China-friendly older people describe the relationship.
Even on the islands of Taiwan closest to China, which have always been more favorable to his neighbor, Mr. Ting is an endangered breed. Contradictorily, the older generation, which remembers China's attacks decades ago more vividly, is the friendliest to the nation. Beneficiaries of Chinese economic liberalization and beneficiaries of an education emphasizing Chinese ties, they remember the years when China opened up to the world and made a lot of wealth, before Xi Jinping became one of the leader. For young Taiwanese, their vision of China is the one Mr. Xi has shaped, an illiberal land determined to deny their ability to choose their own leaders.
Although Mr Chiang has had similar experiences to Mr Ting – both have spent time in China and lived much of their lives in Kinmen – he appreciates Taiwan's openness and feels threatened by Beijing. "I cherish Taiwan's freedom and democracy and don't want to be unified by others," he said.
The outlook, hardened by decades of democratic rule along with China's efforts to isolate Taiwan and, more recently, dismantle democratic institutions in Hong Kong, has informed many people's quiet response to Chinese military exercises in response to
In areas near military exercises, young Taiwanese worried about the future, while older residents looked to a more difficult past to regain hope.
KINMEN COUNTY, Taiwan — The cafe at San Jiao Fort on Kinmen Island might just be the best place in Taiwan to watch the threat of invasion by China. Boasting a direct view of the Chinese city of Xiamen just 10 kilometers away, it is built on top of a former military bunker, festooned with camouflage netting, and serves hot and cold drinks.
With Chinese warships now lingering off the coast of Taiwan and missiles falling in its seas, the shared loyalties of the two cafe owners speaks volumes about a generational shift. in Taiwan which transformed the relationship of island democracy with China.
If China tried to take Taiwan by force, Chiang Chung-chieh, 32, would beat, even if the chances of winning are slim. Ting I-hsiu, 52, said he would "surrender".
With a culture forged by the eras of indigenous peoples, hundreds of years of Chinese immigration, Japanese colonial occupation and a harsh period of martial law, Taiwan is not monolithic. In its three decades as a democracy, conflicting allegiances have dominated its politics, with debates over whether to accept or oppose China's claims to the island based on age, of identity and geography.
In recent years, under China's growing warmongering, the middle ground has shifted. Today, Taiwanese increasingly identify as distinct from China. For them, China poses an existential threat to a pluralistic and democratic way of life. They do not view Taiwan as part of a long-divided family, as Mr. Ting and many China-friendly older people describe the relationship.
Even on the islands of Taiwan closest to China, which have always been more favorable to his neighbor, Mr. Ting is an endangered breed. Contradictorily, the older generation, which remembers China's attacks decades ago more vividly, is the friendliest to the nation. Beneficiaries of Chinese economic liberalization and beneficiaries of an education emphasizing Chinese ties, they remember the years when China opened up to the world and made a lot of wealth, before Xi Jinping became one of the leader. For young Taiwanese, their vision of China is the one Mr. Xi has shaped, an illiberal land determined to deny their ability to choose their own leaders.
Although Mr Chiang has had similar experiences to Mr Ting – both have spent time in China and lived much of their lives in Kinmen – he appreciates Taiwan's openness and feels threatened by Beijing. "I cherish Taiwan's freedom and democracy and don't want to be unified by others," he said.
The outlook, hardened by decades of democratic rule along with China's efforts to isolate Taiwan and, more recently, dismantle democratic institutions in Hong Kong, has informed many people's quiet response to Chinese military exercises in response to
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